Fathers Son Gay Muscle

"Apology of Fascism" Act June 20, 1952, No 645 (OJ No 143 of 23.06.1952) The Courage to

Art. 1. (riorganizzazione del disciolto partito fascista)

Ai fini della XII disposizione transitoria e finale (comma primo) della costituzione, si ha riorganizzazione del disciolto partito fascista quando una associazione o un movimento persegue finalità antidemocratiche proprie del partito fascista, esaltando, minacciando o usando la violenza quale metodo di lotta politico o propugnando la soppressione delle libertà garantite dalla costituzione o denigrando la democrazia, le sue istituzioni e i valori della resistenza o svolgendo propaganda razzista, ovvero rivolge la sua attività the exaltation of leaders, principles, facts and methods of that party, or perform outward manifestations of fascist character.

Article 2. (Penalties)

Whoever organizes or promotes any form reconstitution of the dissolved Fascist Party under the preceding article shall be punished with imprisonment from three to ten years.
the same penalty applies to the leaders of the group or movement, and everyone who participates will be punished with imprisonment up to two years.
If the association or the movement takes on, in whole or in part, the character of armed or paramilitary organization that uses violent means to fight, promoters, managers, and organizers are punished with imprisonment from five to twelve years, and participants with imprisonment from one to three years.
Without prejudice to art. 29, first paragraph, of the Criminal Code, the conviction of the promoters, organizers or leaders of the matter in any case, the deprivation of rights and of the offices specified in art. 28, second paragraph, points 1 and 2 of the Criminal Code for a period of five years. The condemnation of the participants matter for the same period of five years deprivation of rights under Art. 28, second paragraph, no 1 of the Criminal Code.

Article 3. (Dissolution and confiscation of assets)

sentence to prove the case with the reorganization of the dissolved fascist party, the minister for the interior, after consulting the Council of Ministers, order the dissolution and confiscation of assets of the association or movement.
in cases of extraordinary need and urgency, the government, provided that under certain assumptions provided for in art. 1, takes the measure of dissolution and confiscation of property by a decree-law under the second paragraph of art. 77 of the constitution.

Article 4. (Glorification of fascism)

Anyone outside of the case provided by art. 1, enhances public leaders, principles, facts or methods of fascism or its anti-democratic aims of the fascist party is punished with imprisonment up to two years and a fine of up to 500,000 pounds.
the penalty is increased if the crime is committed by means of press or through other means of communication or propaganda.
The sentence is deprived of the rights specified in art. 28, second paragraph, no 1 of the Criminal Code for a period of five years.

Article 5. (Events fascist)

Anyone with words, gestures, or in any other way makes the usual public demonstrations dissolved fascist party is punished with imprisonment of up to three months or a fine up to fifty thousand pounds.
Article 6. (Aggravation of punishment)
Penalties are increased when the guilty have held one of the charges specified in Article. 1 of the Law of 23 December 1947, No 1453, or are found guilty of collaborating even if pardoned.
penalties are also aumentate per coloro che abbiano comunque finanziato, per i fatti preveduti come reati negli articoli precedenti, l'associazione o il movimento o la stampa.

Art. 7. (competenza e procedimenti)

La cognizione dei delitti preveduti dalla presente legge appartiene al tribunale.
Per i delitti stessi si procede sempre con istruzione sommaria, salvo che ricorrano le condizioni per procedere a giudizio direttissimo ai sensi dell'art. 502 del codice di procedura penale. In questo caso il termine di cinque giorni indicato nello stesso articolo è elevato a quindici giorni.

Art. 8. (provvedimenti cautelari in materia di stampa)

Anche prima dell'inizio dell'azione penale, l'autorità giudiziaria può disporre il sequestro dei giornali, delle pubblicazioni o degli stampati nell'ipotesi del delitto preveduto dall'art. 4 della presente legge.
Nel caso previsto dal precedente comma, quando vi sia assoluta urgenza e non sia possibile il tempestivo intervento dell'autorità giudiziaria, il sequestro dei giornali e delle altre pubblicazioni periodiche può essere eseguito dagli ufficiali di polizia giudiziaria, che debbono immediatamente, e non mai oltre ventiquattro ore, farne denuncia all'autorità giudiziaria. Se questa non lo convalida nelle ventiquattro ore successive, il sequestro si intende revocato e privo di ogni effetto.
Nella sentenza di condanna il giudice dispone la cessazione dell'efficacia della registrazione, stabilita art. 5 of the Law of 5 August 1948, No 47, for a period of three months to one year and, for repeat offenders, six months to three years.

Article 9. (Publications on the activity of the anti-democratic fascism)

The Chair of the Board announces competitions for the compilation of chronicles of the fascist themes and according to rules established by a committee of ten members, appointed by presidents of both chambers, chaired by Minister for Education, in order to raise awareness in the form of objective citizens and particularly to young people in schools, which must be completed for specific publications to be taken to the teaching, anti-democratic activities of fascism.
spending on premiums dei concorsi, per la stampa e la diffusione è a carico dei capitoli degli stati di previsione della spesa per acquisto e stampa di pubblicazioni della presidenza del consiglio e del ministero della pubblica istruzione.

Art. 10. (norme di coordinamento e finali)

Le disposizioni della presente legge si applicano senza pregiudizio delle maggiori pene previste dal codice penale.
Sono abrogate le disposizioni della legge 3 dicembre 1947, n. 1546, concernenti la repressione dell'attività fascista, in quanto incompatibili con la presente legge.
La presente legge e le norme della legge 3 dicembre 1947, n. 1546, non abrogate, cesseranno di aver vigore appena che saranno state rivedute le disposizioni relative alla stessa matter of the Criminal Code.

Belanova Song For Commercial

Giacomo Matteotti Giacomo Matteotti

The Matteotti 30 May 1924 took the floor to the room to challenge the results of previous elections held on April 6. While fascists rose from the benches and noise complaints that interrupted repeatedly urged Matteotti with a speech that he would be famous: "context in this place and on trunk the validity of the election of the majority. The election is essentially invalid according to us, and we add that is not valid in all constituencies. "
Matteotti continued, denouncing a new series of violence, lawlessness and abuses committed by the fascists to be able to win elections. After the speech, after the congratulations of his companions, said to them, with almost prophetic foresight, saying: "I have done my speech. Now you prepare your funeral speech for me. "
On another occasion he uttered a sentence that would prove prophetic:

"Kill me too, but the idea is not to kill me ever '

The proposed Matteotti to invalidate the election at least a group of deputies by his charges, illegally elected because of violence and fraud was rejected by the House with 285 votes against, 57 in favor and 42 abstentions.
Renzo De Felice has called "absurd" interpretation of this speech as a request to Matteotti based on a realistic possibility to obtain a success. According to De Felice, Matteotti really was not intended to invalidation of the vote but
"its real purpose was to inaugurate the forum most resonant of Italy, the Chamber, and the earliest lines of the new term, a new way of being opposition, more aggressive, uncompromising, violent, even "

Matteotti's speech has been defined by Renzo De Felice," a double discourse of opposition against the fascist government, against fascism per se, but also and perhaps primarily, against the traitors of his own party and the CGL. According to historian
Rieti, in fact, Matteotti was already expressed in a letter to Turati to elections his intransigence towards the will of Fascism:
"First you need to take, compared to the fascist dictatorship, a different attitude from that taken up here, and our resistance to the regime of arbitrariness must be more active, we must not give at no point, do not leave any place without the most determined, the highest protests. All rights citizens must be claimed, the same code recognizes the self-defense. No one can flatter himself that fascism dominant voluntarily lay down their arms and return to Italy a system of law and freedom, (...) for a party of class and clear opposition to those who can not accept which are determined to a strength without limit, with firm discipline, all aimed at an end, the freedom of the Italian people. "

In his intransigence - however - Matteotti could not find a link with the work and the ' ideology of the Communists, who saw all the bourgeois governments equal and equally to be fought:
"The enemy is now only one, fascism. unwitting accomplice of fascism and communism. The violence and preached from one to the dictatorship, becomes the pretext and justification of violence and dictatorship in place of the other. "

The speech of May 30 - according to historian Giorgio Candeloro -" Mussolini and the Fascists gave the impression states have faced much opposition in the House of fighting that available in the previous room and not willing to submit passively to lawlessness and abuse ".

Pottery Barn Charleston Sofa

's grandfather James, coppersmith Matteo Matteotti, was original Comasine in Pejo Valley, Trentino, where he had moved to Polesine in 1859, the year of his death. His son, Jerome (1839-1902) will continue and spread to his father's business: trader iron and copper, had invested the profits in the home and land, reaching an enviable economic position.
On February 7, 1875 Jerome married Elizabeth (commonly called Isabella) Garzaroli. They had seven children, four of whom died in infancy: adult education, James was the second, after Matteo (1876-1909) and before Silvio (1887-1910), and the only surviving brothers, even deaths of young tuberculosis. All young people engaged in politics Matteotti in the ranks of the Socialist Party, following the example of his father who was a city councilor from 1896 to 1897 Polesine.
teenager attended the school in Rovigo, where he was a classmate of his future political rival Catholic Umberto Merlin.
He graduated in law from the University of Bologna in 1907 and came into contact with social movements, which soon became a prominent figure. During World War I proved a staunch supporter of Italian neutrality and this cost him his position internment in Sicily. Giancarlo was born in 1918 his son, who followed in the footsteps of his father devoted himself to political activity.
Matteotti was elected to Parliament for the first time in 1919, representing the constituency Rovigo-Ferrara. He was reelected in 1921 and 1924.
In 1921 he published a famous "social survey on the deeds of the Fascists in Italy", which denounced, for the first time, the violence of the fascist squads during the election campaign of 1921.

In October 1922 he was expelled from the Italian Socialist Party, with the current Filippo Turati's reformist; Matteotti therefore became the new secretary of the Socialist Unity Party.
In 1924 was published in London his book: The Fascist Exposed, a year of fascist domination in which meticulously reported acts of fascist violence against opponents. The introduction of the book explicitly refuted the allegations according to which the fascist squad violence had been used in order to restore the country to a situation of legality and normality with the restoration of State authority, as these manifestations of fascist violence against opponents continued even after a year of the fascist government. Also observed that the improvement of economic and financial conditions of the country, che stava lentamente riprendendosi dalle devastazioni della guerra era dovuto non all'azione fascista, ma alle energie popolari, tuttavia a beneficiarne erano gli speculatori e i capitalisti, mentre il ceto medio e dei lavoratori non ne beneficiavano in proporzione al loro impegno ed avevano perduto la loro libertà.

Former Gay American Idol Contestants

Testament of the Duce Mussolini

Nessuno che sia un vero italiano, qualunque sia la sua fede politica, disperi nell'avvenire. Le risorse del nostro popolo sono immense. Se saprà trovare un punto di saldatura, recupererà la sua forza prima ancora di qualche vincitore. Per questo punto di fusione io darei la vita anche ora, spontaneamente, qualunque sia purchè improntato a vero spirito italiano. Dopo la sconfitta io sarò coperto furiosamente spit, but then come to the worlds of veneration. So smile, because my people will be at peace with himself.
The duty social worker who serves no other hope than a piece of bread and the health of his family, repeated every day an act of heroism. The people of the work is infinitely superior to all the false prophets who claim to represent. The false prophets who have good game for the insensitivity of those who have the sacred duty to provide. For this I have been and are socialist. The charge of inconsistency is unfounded. My approach has always been straight in the sense of looking at the substance of things and not the form. Socialistically I adapted to reality. As the evolution of the company refuted many of the prophecies of Marx, the true socialism can be folded from the likely. The only feasible socialism socialistically is corporatism, the confluence of balance and respect the collective interests of justice.

Politics is an art very difficult because of the difficult work on the elusive, more swinging, more uncertain. The policy works in the spirit of men, which is an entity difficult to define as it is changing. Mutevolissimo is the spirit of the Italians. When I'm gone, I'm sure that historians and psychologists will wonder how a man was able to crawl dietro per vent'anni un popolo come l'italiano. Se non avessi fatto altro basterebbe questo capolavoro per non essere seppellito nell'oblio. Altri forse potrà dominare col ferro e col fuoco, non col consenso come ho fatto io. La mia dittatura è stata assai più lieve che non certe democrazie in cui imperano le plutocrazie. Il fascismo ha avuto più morti dei suoi avversari e il 25 luglio al confino non c'erano più di trenta persone.

Quando si scrive che noi siamo la guardia bianca della borghesia, si afferma la più spudorata delle menzogne. Io ho difeso, e lo affermo con piena coscienza, il progresso dei lavoratori. Tra le cause principali del tracollo del fascismo io pongo la lotta sorda ed implacabile di taluni gruppi industriali e finanziari, che nal loro folle egoismo temevano ed odiano il fascismo come il peggior nemico dei loro inumani interessi. Devo dire per ragioni di giustizia che il capitale italiano, quello legittimo, che si regge con la capacità delle sue imprese, ha sempre compreso le esigenze sociali, anche quando doveva allungare il collo per far fronte ai nuovi patti di lavoro. L'umile gente del lavoro mi ha sempre amato e mi ama ancora.

Tutti i dittatori hanno sempre fatto strage dei loro nemici. Io sono il solo passivo: tremila morti contro qualche centinaio. Credo di aver nobilitato la dittatura. Forse l'ho svirilizzata, ma le ho strappato gli strumenti di tortura. Stalin è seduto sopra una montagna di ossa umane. E' male? Io non mi pento di avere did all the good that I could even adversaries, even enemies who were plotting against my life, either by sending them to the frequency of subsidies that were becoming salaries, is snatched from death. But if tomorrow to drop the lives of my men, which I assumed responsibility for saving them? Stalin is standing and wins, I fall and I lose. The story deals with only the winners and the volume of their conquests and triumph justifies everything. The French Revolution is considered by its results, while the guillotine are confined to the crime. Twenty years of Fascism

no one can erase from the history of Italy. I have no illusions about my fate. I do not process, because they know che da accusato diverrei pubblico accusatore. Probabilmente mi uccideranno e poi diranno che mi sono suicidato, vinto dai rimorsi. Chi teme la morte non è mai vissuto, ed io sono vissuto anche troppo. La vita non è che un tratto di congiunzione tra due eternità: il passato ed il futuro. Finchè la mia stella brillò, io bastavo per tutti; ora che si spegne, tutti non basterebbero per me. Io andrò dove il destino mi vorrà, perchè ho fatto quello che il destino mi dettò.

Non è la fede che arriva nell'ora del crapuscolo quella che mi sostiene, è la fede della mia infanzia e della mia vita che mi impone di dover credere, anche quando avrei diritto di dubitare. Non so se questi miei appunti saranno mai letti by the Italian people, I wish it were so, to give him the opportunity to collect confession of faith in my last thought. I do not know if people will grant me enough time to write. Twenty-two years of government probably does not make me worthy, according to human, to live another twenty-four hours.

I believed in the victory of our arms, as I believe in God, our Lord, but most still believe in the eternal now that the defeat was the testing ground on which will be shown to the world the strength and size of our hearts. It 'a fact now that the war is lost, but it is also certain that you have not won until we won state. This will remember gli Italiani, se, sotto la dominazione straniera, arriveranno a sentire l'insoffocabile risveglio della loro coscienza e dei loro spiriti.

Oggi io perdono a quanti non mi perdonano e mi condannano condannando se stessi. Penso a coloro ai quali sarà negato per anni di amare e soffrire per la patria e vorrei che essi si sentissero non solo testimoni di una disfatta, ma anche alfieri della rivincita. All'odio smisurato ed alle vendette subentrerà il tempo della ragione. Così riacquistato il senso della dignità e dell'onore, son certo che gli italiani di domani sapranno serenamente valutare i coefficienti della tragica ora che vivo. Se questo è dunque l'ultimo giorno della mia esistenza, intendo che anche a chi mi ha abbandonato e who betrayed me, I offer my forgiveness, then forgave the Savoy as its weakness.

The fascists who will remain faithful to the principles to be exemplary citizens. They should respect the laws that the people will give and cooperate sincerely with the legitimately constituted authorities to help them heal as quickly as possible nal wounds of the nation. Those who act otherwise demonstrate to believe their country is no longer home when you are called to serve from the bottom. The Fascists, in short, will act on emotion, not resentment. From their attitude will depend on a more prompt review of historical fascism, because now it is night, but then the day will come.



Benito Mussolini